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<recommendedContent xmlns="http://api.mspoke.com">
    <recommendedItem id="20100101_19_405"
                     title="Difficult Childhood Lingers in the Mind (CME/CE)"
                     score="0.013"
                     href="http://www.medpagetoday.com/Psychiatry/GeneralPsychiatry/tb/18312?impressionId=1265793002631"
                     
      &lt;p&gt;Adversities faced in childhood have effects on mental health far into the future, researchers affirmed.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Mental illness in adulthood was increasingly likely the more traumas faced in childhood, Ronald C. Kessler, PhD, of Harvard, and colleagues reported in the February issue of the &lt;em&gt;Archives of General Psychiatry&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Childhood difficulties potentially explained 32.4% of all the psychiatric disorders examined, they said, based on analyses of the National Comorbidity Survey Replication.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Adversities relating to family dysfunction  --  substance-abusing parents, sexual or physical abuse in the home, neglect, etc.  --  appeared to have the strongest link to onset and persistence of psychiatric disorders, they reported.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;These findings match folk wisdom and decades of research into the negative effects of child maltreatment, commented John McGrath, MD, PhD, of the Queensland Centre for Mental Health Research in Wacol, Australia, and colleagues in an accompanying editorial.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But the lack of specificity between certain exposures to particular mental health outcomes  --  such as the death of one&apos;s mother leading to depression  --  was notable, the editorialists said.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Thus, childhood trauma upsets the orderly psychological and biological cascades of development, leaving the affected individual at increased risk of a wide range of adverse mental health outcomes,&quot; they wrote.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Rather than continue to rehash the epidemiology, it&apos;s time to focus on prevention and intervention, McGrath&apos;s group emphasized.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;It is unrealistic to think that we could protect all children from all adversities, but can we identify factors that bolster resilience and focus our efforts on the most vulnerable subgroups?&quot; they asked.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The researchers examined joint associations of 12 retrospectively reported childhood adversities with lifetime incidence of disorders meeting Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) criteria in the National Comorbidity Survey Replication I, a cross-sectional survey of a nationally-representative sample of adults in 9,282 American households.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Among the respondents, 53.4% reported at least one childhood adversity, most commonly parental divorce (17.5%), family violence (14.0%), family economic problems (10.6%), and parental mental illness (10.3%).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;These adversities were all individually and significantly linked to first onset of psychiatric disorders with odds ratios of 1.5 to 1.9 for dysfunctional family factors (physical abuse, sexual abuse, neglect, parental mental illness, parental substance abuse, parental criminality, or family violence) and 1.0 to 1.5 for other factors like life-threatening childhood physical illness, extreme poverty, parental divorce, or loss of or separation from parents.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Despite some apparent but not significantly meaningful variation in type of adversity with type of psychiatric disorder, the researchers said they could rule out that all types were the same for future mental health risk (&lt;em&gt;P&lt;/em&gt;&amp;lt;0.001).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Problems tended to cluster, though. Among people who faced one adversity in childhood, 51.2% to 95.1% faced others as well, depending on the adversity.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Risk of mental illness rose with number of issues faced in childhood from an odds ratio of 1.3 for one up to 3.4 for six and 3.2 for seven or more adversities.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;This subadditive pattern has important implications for intervention because it means that prevention or amelioration of only a single childhood adversity in youths exposed to many childhood adversities is unlikely to have important preventive effects,&quot; the researchers wrote.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Overall, childhood adversities were projected to account for 44.6% of childhood-onset disorders, 32.0% of adolescent-onset disorders, and 28.6% of adult-onset disorders.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The researchers also looked at persistence through the second part of the National Comorbidity Survey Replication which went beyond just core diagnostic assessment in 5,692 respondents.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In a complex multivariate interactive analysis, childhood adversity from dysfunctional family factors appeared significantly linked to persistence in a given year (&lt;em&gt;P&lt;/em&gt;&amp;lt;0.001) whereas the number of factors was not significant.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;These significant factors were parental mental illness, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect, but they carried modest effects individually with odds ratios of 1.2.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But in one simulation, not being exposed to childhood trauma would only increase the time since the most recent episode of psychiatric illness by 1.6%, suggesting &quot;quite modest&quot; substantive importance in determining persistence.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;These results indirectly suggest that the public health implications of childhood adversities are greater for primary than for secondary prevention because the associations of childhood adversities with disorder onset are much stronger than the associations with persistence,&quot; Kessler&apos;s group wrote.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The researchers cautioned that recall bias may have limited their study such that the results could be considered an &quot;upper bound&quot; for the real association and that the study could not prove causality.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;float:left;border-style:solid;border-width:1px;border-color:#8dabbc;font-family:arial;font-size:12px;background-color:#DBE9F2;padding:5px;&quot;&gt;&lt;p&gt;The National Comorbidity Survey Replication is supported by a grant from the National Institute of Mental Health with supplemental support from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, a grant from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and the John W. Alden Trust.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The analyses were supported by a grant from the NIMH; the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; the Pfizer Foundation; grants from the U.S. Public Health Service; an award from the Fogarty International Center; the Pan American Health Organization; Eli Lilly; Ortho-McNeil Pharmaceutical; GlaxoSmithKline; and Bristol-Myers Squibb.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Kessler reported financial conflicts of interest with GlaxoSmithKline, Kaiser Permanente, Pfizer, sanofi-aventis, Shire Pharmaceuticals, Wyeth-Ayerst, Eli Lilly, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Johnson &amp;amp; Johnson Pharmaceuticals, and Ortho-McNeil Pharmaceutical.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The editorialists reported no conflicts of interest.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;clear:both;&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
    </recommendedItem>
    <recommendedItem id="20100101_19_412"
                     title="Depression During Pregnancy Linked to Kids&apos; Behavior Problems (CME/CE)"
                     score="0.013"
                     href="http://www.medpagetoday.com/Psychiatry/Depression/tb/18321?impressionId=1265793002631"
                     
      &lt;p&gt;Children born to mothers who were depressed during pregnancy were more than twice as likely to display antisocial behavior by age 16 as children whose mothers had not been depressed, researchers found.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Of 120 mothers from South London who were followed from pregnancy through their children&apos;s teen years, 31% had depression during pregnancy, according to Dale Hay, PhD, of Cardiff University in Wales, and colleagues.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Children born to these women were significantly more likely to display antisocial behavior (OR 2.46, 95% CI 1.10 to 5.48) and commit violent acts (OR 4.36, 95% CI 1.54 to 12.41) before age 16, the researchers reported in the January/February issue of &lt;em&gt;Child Development&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The associations were magnified in women who also had a history of behavior problems when they were children.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;A focus on mothers&apos; history of conduct problems and depression during pregnancy, as opposed to broader measures of the social environment, would hold promise for more targeted early interventions to prevent the development of serious antisocial behavior,&quot; Hay&apos;s group wrote.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Previous studies have linked mothers&apos; mental health problems in pregnancy with disruptive behaviors in their children, but it&apos;s unclear what explains the relationship, according to the researchers.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;To explore the issue, they turned to the South London Child Development Study, which prospectively followed 120 pregnant women and their children into the teenage years.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;All families came from a relatively disadvantaged urban area. These families were more likely to belong to the working class and to be from ethnic minority groups than the general U.K. population.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;One-third of the children had been arrested or diagnosed with a conduct disorder by age 16. Of these 88.9% had been arrested and 45% had committed violent acts, including theft from a person, violent disorder, fighting, carrying a weapon, and assault.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The association between maternal depression during pregnancy and risk of antisocial behavior remained relatively constant in analyses controlling for family environment, a child&apos;s exposure to maternal depression after birth, mothers&apos; substance use during pregnancy, and parental antisocial behavior.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;None of the factors fully explained the relationship. Neither did the arrest history of the biological father.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;But, the researchers wrote in the paper, &quot;it would be unwise to conclude that paternal risk factors are unimportant, given that we did not have more detailed information about the father&apos;s own history of conduct disorders.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;They explored several potential mechanisms for the link between maternal depression and a child&apos;s behavior problems: &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;Direct effects on the fetus from biological correlates of the mothers&apos; depressive symptoms&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt;Depression in pregnancy as a sign of environmental adversity&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt;Re-exposure to maternal depression after birth&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt;Indirect effects of depression on the developing fetus driven by mothers&apos; smoking, drinking, and drug taking during pregnancy &lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt;A genetic explanation whereby women who experience depression in pregnancy may also have a greater genetic risk for antisocial behavior, which they pass on to their offspring &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Hay and her colleagues noted that these explanations are not necessarily mutually exclusive.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;They also acknowledged some limitations of the study, including the lack of information about fetal growth and neuroendocrine measures on the mother and child and the relatively small sample size.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;float:left;border-style:solid;border-width:1px;border-color:#8dabbc;font-family:arial;font-size:12px;background-color:#DBE9F2;padding:5px;&quot;&gt;&lt;p&gt;The SLCDS has been funded by U.K. project grants from the Medical Research Council, by the Psychiatric Research Trust, and by the South West G.P. Trust. The current analysis was partially supported by an Economic and Social Research Council studentship to one of Hay&apos;s co-authors and by a Medical Research Council U.K. Program Grant.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The authors did not report any conflicts of interest.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;clear:both;&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
    </recommendedItem>
    <recommendedItem id="20100101_19_355"
                     title="Obesity Delays Puberty in Boys (CME/CE)"
                     score="0.011"
                     href="http://www.medpagetoday.com/Pediatrics/Obesity/tb/18235?impressionId=1265793002631"
                     
      &lt;p&gt;Unlike overweight girls, who tend to enter puberty early, overweight and obese boys in the U.S. may begin puberty later than thin boys, according to one of the first longitudinal studies of weight and timing of puberty in males.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;At 11.5 years, boys with the highest body mass index (mean BMI z score=1.84) were 165% more likely to be prepubertal than the thinnest boys (95% CI 1.05 to 6.61; &lt;em&gt;P&lt;/em&gt;=0.04), researchers reported online in the Feb. 1 &lt;em&gt;Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;This longitudinal study provides further evidence that higher BMI during early and middle childhood is not associated with earlier pubertal onset in boys, contrary to what is seen in girls,&quot; Joyce M. Lee, MD, MPH, of the University of Michigan, and colleagues wrote.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;In fact, higher BMI in earlier childhood may be associated with and precede later onset of puberty among a population-based sample of U.S. boys.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Rates of obesity among American girls and boys have nearly tripled since the 1960s, prompting concerns about the effect of excess weight on growth and development. Most research has focused on obese girls, who appear to reach puberty earlier than thin girls. A recent cross-sectional study suggested that, unlike their female counterparts, overweight boys may develop later.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;To further explore this relationship, Lee and colleagues analyzed the records of 401 boys from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds in ten regions of the U.S., using data from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development. The participants were full-term, only children born in 1991.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The data included height and weight measurements of the children from ages 2 to 12 years and a visual assessment of whether the children had begun puberty, using Tanner genitalia staging, at 9.5, 10.5, and 11.5 years. Boys were defined as prepubertal if they were Tanner stage 1 at 11.5 years old and were otherwise categorized as pubertal.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Among the participants, 14.4% were overweight (BMI &amp;#8805; 85th and &amp;lt;95th percentiles) and 19.4% were obese (BMI&amp;#8805;95th percentile) at age 11.5. Overall, 49 boys (12.2%) were prepubertal at age 11.5 years by Tanner genitalia staging.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The authors wrote that their findings have important implications for understanding sex differences in physiological mechanisms of puberty.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;They noted that puberty is regulated by the gonadotropin-releasing hormone axis for both girls and boys, but it&apos;s unclear why such different associations between body fat and the timing of pubertal onset would exist between the sexes.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Given the recent childhood obesity epidemic, additional studies are needed to further investigate the epidemiological link between body fat and pubertal initiation and progression in boys as well as the physiological mechanisms responsible,&quot; they concluded.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The authors were unable to analyze the data based on race, because most of the children in the study were white. They also noted that BMI is a surrogate measure of overall body fat, and that study has found that the relationship between body fat and BMI varies depending on race. They also recommended that future studies use multiple methods of determining whether children have entered puberty.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div style=&quot;float:left;border-style:solid;border-width:1px;border-color:#8dabbc;font-family:arial;font-size:12px;background-color:#DBE9F2;padding:5px;&quot;&gt;&lt;p&gt;The study was funded by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development and the American Heart Association.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The authors reported no financial conflicts of interest.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;div style=&quot;clear:both;&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
    </recommendedItem>
    <recommendedItem id="20100101_19_166"
                     title="APsaA: Are Physicians Too Quick to Medicate ADHD?"
                     score="-0.004"
                     href="http://www.medpagetoday.com/MeetingCoverage/APsaA/tb/17991?impressionId=1265793002631"
                     
      &lt;p&gt;NEW YORK  --  Physicians may be too quick to medicate children suspected of having attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), researchers said here.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The etiology of the disease is not well understood, and while some cases may have neurological causes, children may respond to psychotherapy instead, Esther Fine, PhD, a psychoanalyst in private practice in Los Angeles, told attendees at the American Psychoanalytic Association meeting.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Unfortunately, it is now a prevalent notion that it is no longer necessary or relevant to understand the unconscious meaning of psychological symptoms,&quot; Dr. Fine cautioned during a scientific paper presentation. &quot;It&apos;s becoming a popular idea to consider psychoanalysis, and even psychotherapy, &apos;dinosaurs&apos; in the treatment of mental disorders.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Fine said that between 1990 and 1998, the number of children and adults diagnosed with ADHD rose from 900,000 to nearly 5 million.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The increase coincides with a broader trend toward prescribing stimulants for its treatment. Since 1990, prescriptions have risen by 700%, Fine said.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;On the other hand, the proportion of children referred to psychotherapy for ADHD fell from 40% in 1989 to 25% in 1996, and Fine said that number is even lower today.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;One reason is that teachers may be diagnosing children as having ADHD. Concerned parents then request medications from pediatricians, Fine said, and pediatricians may be too quick to comply.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Teachers and parents are looking for a quick fix,&quot; added Mark D. Smaller, PhD, a psychoanalyst in private practice in Chicago who was not involved in the paper. &quot;They&apos;re reluctant to look at what&apos;s behind that behavior, at what&apos;s going on at home.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;On the other hand, psychoanalytic psychotherapy may provide patients  --  even young ones  --  with an opportunity to understand how their minds work, and why it works the way it does.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;For example, Fine said some disorders can have roots in abusive child-rearing patterns.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Certainly, parental child abuse might well set the scene for an attention deficit disorder,&quot; she said.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In a case report, Fine discussed working with a school-aged patient who had a troubled childhood. After a few sessions, she discovered the underlying reasons for the young patient&apos;s anxiety and aggression, and how they affected his relationships and his ability to learn in school.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Clearly it did not indicate that his problems were due to some form of brain impairment,&quot; she wrote in the case report.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Smaller said that if the therapist does &quot;a full evaluation of the child and the parents, you&apos;ll get a much better sense of what&apos;s going on,&quot; and a better idea of disease etiology so it can be treated.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Fine said her patient began improving in school before his parents divorced, resulting in his mother moving away and not returning him to therapy sessions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;She added that there may be other reasons parents avoid psychotherapy for their children.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&quot;Parents prefer to believe there is a neurological basis for their children&apos;s behavior, as it relieves the guilt that the child&apos;s difficulties may be related to their inadequate parenting skills,&quot; she said. &quot;This tends to mask the family entanglements that might contribute to an overstimulating environment.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;She said ADHD certainly has many different symptoms and causes, so she doesn&apos;t mean &quot;to suggest that there are no children who suffer from a neurologically-based ADHD, or that medication should never be used.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;She does, however, caution against &quot;a rush to judgment.&quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Other attendees stressed that, in some cases, medication may be the way to go. &lt;div class=&quot;MsoNormal&quot;&gt;&quot;I work with children a lot and I always try to get at the underlying mechanism for their behaviors,&quot; said Mirel Goldstein, MA, MS, of St. Mary&apos;s Hospital in Passaic, N.J.  &quot;But you really need to look at it on a case-by-case basis. Sometimes medication will be the appropriate treatment.&quot;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;/p&gt;

    </recommendedItem>
    <recommendedItem id="20090101_4_667"
                     title="Family Stress Linked to Kids&apos; Illnesses"
                     score="-0.005"
                     href="